The source of the modern Japanese neighborhood mindset

In the narrow alleyways of Edo-period towns, amid a labyrinth of wooden houses, workshops, and teahouses, life flowed to a rhythm set not by clocks but by the tolling of temple bells and the sounds of bustling markets. In spring, the air carried the fragrance of freshly steamed rice and sweet anko paste; in summer, it was filled with the scent of burning charcoal and freshly cut bamboo. Yet behind this picturesque everyday life lay a system of strict, constant social control—subtle, yet omnipresent. A system in which every resident was at once protected and observed by their neighbors. And finally—a system which, though it no longer exists, still exerts a tremendous influence on the mindset of Japanese people within their neighborhoods, contributing both to maintaining some of the lowest crime rates in the world, and to making it so difficult for us—people from the West, raised in a culture of individual freedom—to live there.

And it was in precisely this world that the gonin gumi (五人組) operated—“groups of five households,” small yet crucial organizational cells in Edo-period Japanese society. Formally, they were part of the shogunate’s administrative machinery, but in practice they intertwined official duties, moral obligations, and daily cooperation. In one moment, they could be a source of support—providing help in times of fire or famine—and in the next, a punitive tool capable of destroying someone’s reputation and life. Their existence was the logical consequence of the worldview of the time: the belief that the harmony of the community stood above the freedom of the individual, and that order was born from the watchful eye of the neighbor. Neighborly observation, after all, could be far more dangerous than that of any official. But in other times—it could also be more helpful. And this is no surprise—according to the principle of renpō sekinin (連方責任), or collective responsibility—for the offense of one neighbor, the entire group of five families was legally accountable. For success—likewise.

In this article, we will step into that closed yet fascinating microcosm. We will glimpse genre scenes from community life, then trace the system’s origins, from its early roots to its development in the Tokugawa era. We will examine its rules and mechanisms, its social and psychological effects, as well as the differences between its urban and rural versions. For anyone setting out on the ambitious and uneven journey of trying to better understand the Japanese way of seeing the world, learning about gonin gumi is an essential stop—one that can explain a surprising amount. So then—let us begin.

A scene from the life of a gonin gumi

Evening in the countryside

The year is 1848, at the end of the eighth hour of the day (saru no koku—the Hour of the Monkey) according to the unequal summer division of time (more on that here: The Hour of the Rat, the Koku of the Tiger – How Was Time Measured in Shogunate-Era Japan?). Evening coolness settled over the village, and the air was filled with the mingled scents of damp earth and burning charcoal. From the street came the clatter of geta, sometimes cut short by the rasping caw of a crow on the roof. In the houses, andon lamps were being lit, filling the rooms with a warm, flickering glow.

In the house of the kumigashira—the head of the local gonin gumi—a hibachi steamed in the very center of the guest room, the zashiki. The host’s wife placed cups of hot bancha tea before the guests as the other members of the group stepped over the threshold. Five men, each representing his family, sat in a circle on the tatami. They had met here many times before—for years they had together formed a gonin gumi unit, a five-household group of collective responsibility established by the Tokugawa shogunate to maintain order among its subjects.

The reason for today’s meeting was a troubling rumor. One member, old Itō Gen’emon, had been late with his nengu—the village tax paid to the domain lord—for two months now. Worse still were whispers that the previous night, a mysterious traveler had stayed in his home. In an era when the shogunate required that any outsider be reported to the nanushi—the village headman—concealing a visitor could have serious consequences for the entire group.

“Gen’emon,” began the kumigashira, straightening his back, “you know the law of renpō sekinin (連方責任—principle of collective responsibility) is absolute. The nanushi will ask why we did not inform him about the guest. We will all pay for this.”

Gen’emon lowered his gaze, running his fingers along the frayed edge of his sleeve. “It was my cousin from the neighboring village,” he muttered. “He was late, and the night was cold… I didn’t want him to sleep in the fields.”

“And that is precisely why gonin gumi exists,” said another head of household, Hachirōbei. “So that such matters are reported, even if it’s about relatives. If the nanushi decides we were hiding a rōnin—we’re finished.”

Silence fell in the room, broken only by the crackle of charcoal in the hibachi. The gonin gumi system knew no individual guilt or innocence—five houses, five families, one responsibility. If someone fell behind on taxes, the rest had to cover the debt or face the consequences. If one member committed a crime, all could be punished with fines, forced labor, or, in extreme cases, banishment from the village—or death.

“The nengu must be paid,” the kumigashira added. “If not by you, then by us. And then we will come after you for every mon, because there’s no other way. No one here wants goningumi hazushi, but you know…”—he broke off meaningfully, looking straight into Gen’emon’s eyes. Hazushi… Being expelled from the group meant not only shame but also practical exclusion from community life—no help during inekari (稲刈り—rice harvest), no support in illness, virtually no possibility of selling rice—and as a result, often—the loss of one’s livelihood and the risk of starvation for oneself and one’s family.

After a longer exchange, in which old cases of similar offenses were recalled, a decision was reached. They would jointly contribute the missing part of the tax. In return, Gen’emon would commit to repaying the debt through spring fieldwork for each member and—most importantly—would report any guests to the nanushi immediately upon their arrival.

The meeting concluded. The departing household heads adjusted their straw mino cloaks, while the cold evening air mingled with the smoke of hearth fires and the aroma of soy-based dashi wafting from nearby homes. In the quiet footsteps along the muddy street lay a silent understanding: in the Edo period, the survival of the community outweighed individual choices. Gonin gumi—though sometimes harsh—was the invisible web that bound together the lives of people in this orderly yet watchful Japan of the Tokugawa shogunate.

Origins of the gonin gumi system

The roots of the gonin gumi system reach far deeper than the Edo period itself. As early as the era of the ancient 律令 (ritsuryō) legal code—a set of law and administrative regulations inspired by Chinese models, in force from the 7th century—there existed an institution known as 五保制 (goho-sei), or “the system of five households.” These were small administrative units in which five families shared responsibility for maintaining order and fulfilling obligations to the authorities. Although at that time their functions were primarily fiscal and administrative, the principle of social collective responsibility (renpō sekinin) was already firmly established.

By the late 16th century, this idea reappeared in a new form. In 1597, 豊臣秀吉 (Toyotomi Hideyoshi), who ruled over a unified Japan, introduced the gonin gumi as a tool for tighter control over the population. The aim was to limit vagrancy, monitor the lower ranks of samurai and peasants, and eliminate the threat posed by masterless warriors—浪人 (rōnin), whose numbers had risen dramatically after the end of the wars. The gonin gumi was also intended to prevent the sheltering of criminals, fugitives, and rebels. In each group of five households, all members were accountable for each other’s actions—forcing vigilance over one’s neighbors and strengthening local solidarity, but also creating a constant atmosphere of mutual surveillance.

After the establishment of bakufu rule in 1603, the system was adopted and further developed, particularly in the 1620s. The bakufu linked the gonin gumi with new, strict regulations. Each group maintained population registers (ninbetsu aratamechō) and was obliged to submit declarations. The system became a key tool for controlling migration—anyone wishing to change their place of residence had to obtain the consent of their gonin gumi, which would then inform the 名主 (nanushi, “village headman” or district chief), who in turn reported the matter to higher administrative levels.

The political context of this institution was clear: the gonin gumi formed the lowest link in the elaborate pyramid of Japan’s feudal authority. The Tokugawa bakufu sought to maintain peace (sometimes called by European historians “pax Tokugawa,” in reference to the “pax Romana”), social stability, and absolute control over its subjects—not through large-scale military force, but through a dense network of local mechanisms of social control. Within this network, the gonin gumi functioned like a “microscopic bakufu”—five households that kept watch over each other, resolved minor disputes, maintained the moral discipline of residents, and were collectively accountable to their superiors.

A scene from the life of a gonin gumi

Evening in the city

The evening sun was sinking behind the roofs of the wooden nagaya—long row houses in a fishing district of Edo, home to small workshops, the dwellings of dockworkers, and fishermen. The air was heavy with the scent of dried fish and the smoke from hibachi stoves. On the Sumida-gawa River, the calls of fishermen were slowly fading, and from the Uogashi fish market the last vendors were returning, carrying baskets full of unsold goods. In the distance, karasu crows screeched, circling above piles of waste from the day’s catch.

In a narrow lane, where the wooden walls of houses had already acquired a grey patina from moisture and salty air, five heads of household had gathered in front of the home of the kumigashira—the head of the local gonin gumi. According to Edo’s administrative structure, their gonin gumi answered to the nanushi (neighborhood chief), who in turn reported to the machi doshiyori (town elders), acting on behalf of the machi bugyō—the city magistrate of the shogunate bakufu.

Today’s meeting had not been planned, yet everyone came without delay, for in their system of collective responsibility (renpō sekinin), a lack of response could mean punishment for the entire group.

Inside, in a small room with worn, old tatami, sat the kumigashira, Tsuchiya Ichizaemon. Beside him lay a scroll—the gonin gumi chō, the register of the five households, carefully written with a brush on thick paper. On a low table stood a bowl of steaming sencha tea, its vapors curling in the dim light of the oil lamp.

Tsuchiya Ichizaemon slid the tea bowl aside and lifted his gaze to those assembled. In the lamplight, the faces of the heads of household were greyed by smoke and fatigue after a full day’s work. Besides himself, there sat: Shimizu Denbei—a nori seaweed vendor from the market, Kanda Jinzō—a fisherman, Matsui Kihachi—a ship carpenter, and the eldest among them, Gorozaemon, who had long made his living repairing bamboo baskets.

“Minasan…” began Ichizaemon slowly, running his hand over the smooth paper of the gonin gumi chō. “Word has reached me from nanushi-sama. There is suspicion that our group has violated the regulations…”

The heads of household glanced at each other. Narrow street, nagaya after nagaya—here everyone saw what was happening at their neighbor’s home.

“It concerns the house of Matsui-san,” the kumigashira continued. “Yesterday, an inspector from the hikeshi-doshin (fire brigade officer) reported that vats of urushi lacquer are being stored inside, despite the ban imposed by the machi bugyō.”

For a moment, the only sound in the room was the crackling of charcoal in the hibachi. Matsui lowered his eyes.

“It’s my nephew’s workshop,” he said at last. “He lost his place near Asakusa-bashi and moved temporarily to my house. He works carefully, keeps no fire…”

Shimizu shook his head. “Urushi is like oil to a flame. I saw three streets burn down near Nihonbashi last year because someone warmed lacquer over embers. The regulations are not for decoration.”

Ichizaemon reached for a bamboo pointer and touched it to the register. “Matsui-san, you know what this means. If there’s a fire, they will punish us all. It could be tsumi-kōfuku (collective punishment), or worse—goningumi hazushi for you. And if a samurai suffers losses—they might have us all beheaded…”

Silence fell over the room. Beyond the paper shōji partition came the clatter of geta from passing pedestrians and the distant calls of tofu sellers.

“I propose a solution,” Ichizaemon said at last. “By the end of the week, we will move your nephew to a workshop in shinmachi, where there is space for lacquer workers. We, as a gonin gumi, will oversee the move so that nanushi-sama knows we are acting together.”

Matsui nodded, though shame and worry filled his eyes. “Agreed. I don’t want the group to suffer because of us.”

The meeting ended in accordance with ritual—each man pressed his seal to a short note, which Ichizaemon would deliver to the nanushi in the morning. Outside, the air had grown heavy with dampness from the river, and on the darkening sky, crows wheeled over the slumbering port.

The workings of the gonin gumi

Organization

Although the name 五人組 (gonin gumi) literally means “group of five people,” in practice it did not always consist of exactly five households. In records from different parts of the country, units can be found ranging from as few as three to as many as eleven homes. In cities, gonin gumi were often formed based on the compact layout of nagaya—long row houses in which individual rooms functioned as separate households. In the countryside, groups comprised neighboring farmsteads within one or several aza (sections of a village).

The composition of a group depended on location. In rural areas, most members were 本百姓 (honbyakushō)—owners or tenants of farmland who held the formal right to cultivate fields and pay the rice tax (nengu). In Edo, Osaka, or Kyoto, members were primarily 家持 (ie-mochi), meaning homeowners, regardless of whether they lived in their houses themselves or rented them out to craftsmen or merchants. Tenants, apprentices, and hired laborers were not formal members, though they were subject to the group’s rules through their landlords.

The administrative hierarchy in the Tokugawa system

The administrative hierarchy in the Tokugawa system was clearly structured. At the lowest level was the gonin gumi, and above it the 名主 (nanushi)—the head of a district in a city or of a village in the provinces. The nanushi was responsible for compiling reports and forwarding them to the 町年寄 (machi doshiyori), the town elders, who in turn reported to the 町奉行 (machi bugyō), the magistrate of Edo representing the bakufu. In the case of villages, the role of machi doshiyori was performed by domain (daimyō) officials, and the final authority was the castle’s administrative office or directly the bakufu in Edo.

At the head of the gonin gumi stood the 組頭 (kumigashira)—the leader of the group. His role was crucial: he convened meetings, kept records, ensured the execution of the nanushi’s orders, and resolved minor disputes between members before they could escalate. The method of choosing the kumigashira depended on the region and local tradition. In some places, it was a hereditary position within one family, with duties passed from father to son. In others, a rotation system was used—each head of household held the role for a set period. There were also appointments made from above, by the nanushi or the elders.

The foundation of the group’s operations was documentation. The most important register was the 五人組帳 (gonin gumi-chō), meticulously written with a brush on thick paper or in scroll form. It contained the names of the heads of household, addresses (ie), information about family members, and a description of property—from the number of fields to the inventory of assets. Group resolutions were also recorded there, alongside the 連判 (renpan), meaning the seals or signatures of all members, confirming their agreement to the shared rules. This document had legal force in dealings with the nanushi and was the basis of the group’s collective responsibility.

Numerous examples of gonin gumi-chō have survived in Edo-period archives. In addition to member lists, they contain notes on violations, decisions made at meetings, and receipts for tax transfers. These records reveal how meticulously—and how minutely—the bakufu and local authorities supervised the daily lives of residents.

Rules of operation of the gonin gumi

The gonin gumi system in the Edo period was not merely a dry entry in an official register—it permeated the daily life of townspeople and villagers alike, regulating matters of both security and interpersonal relations. Its principles rested on a tight link between loyalty to the state and obligations toward one’s own community.

Mutual responsibility – renpō sekinin

The foundation of gonin gumi operations was collective responsibility. If any member committed an offense—whether theft, fighting, harboring a runaway peasant, or even a minor breach of domain regulations—the entire group could be punished. Responsibility also extended to tax obligations: failure by one head of household to pay the nengu (rice tax) forced the others to jointly cover the debt. The authorities believed that neighborhood pressure was more effective than a distant bureaucratic apparatus.

The duty to report – mikata no go-shinjō

One of the most uncompromising obligations was the requirement to report all suspicious behavior and individuals. This applied especially to the detection of Christians (キリシタン, Kirishitan), whose religion had been banned since 1614. The kōsatsu procedure—public proclamation of edicts—made it clear that concealing information about a “suspect faith” was a crime. The gonin gumi was also required to monitor travelers, including masterless rōnin, and to report unusual transactions or gatherings. In practice, this created a web of mutual surveillance, where a neighbor’s silence could determine the fate of the entire group.

Control of mobility – dekasegi kinshi

Movement beyond one’s own domain (han) was strictly controlled. Travel to work in another province, or even to a nearby mine or port, required permission from local authorities. Members of the gonin gumi were obliged to ensure that no one in their group left their place of residence without the proper travel permit (tegata). This was in line with bakufu policy, which aimed to limit population migration and maintain tax order.

Ban on harboring suspicious guests

The regulations strictly defined who could be given shelter under one’s roof. Housing a stranger without travel documents (tegata) was prohibited. The only exception was for couriers on official duty—these could be accommodated after verifying their waybills or seals. Any deviations from the rules had to be reported immediately to the nanushi or the machi bugyō.

System of sanctions

Penalties for breaking the rules included not only fines and compulsory public labor, but also the harshest form of social stigma—goningumi hazushi. A person expelled from the group lost the protection of the community: neighbors would cease to help them, no one would sell them goods on credit, and in some places even speaking to them could be considered a breach of local custom. Such ostracism was often more devastating than the financial penalty itself.

Community functions

The gonin gumi also served integrative functions. Groups were obliged to take part in public works: repairing roads, bridges, and embankments; cleaning canals; maintaining temples and fire watch stations (hikeshi-goya). In towns, they took part in preparations for matsuri—local festivals—funding work on portable shrines (mikoshi) and street decorations. These duties were meant to strengthen the sense of belonging but also provided practical support for maintaining infrastructure and public order without requiring additional government resources.

In this way, the system made the gonin gumi both an instrument of state control and a vehicle for local mutual aid—two functions so tightly interwoven that in the lives of Edo-period townspeople and villagers under Tokugawa rule, they were difficult to tell apart.

The social and psychological role of the gonin gumi

The gonin gumi system functioned not only through official orders issued by the bakufu, but above all through subtle yet extraordinarily effective mechanisms of social control. In a world where reputation (面子 – mentsu) and family honor formed the foundation of an individual’s standing, the most powerful disciplinary tool was group pressure. The fear of losing face (mentsubetsu) and becoming the subject of gossip (噂, uwasa) worked far more effectively than the prospect of punishment from the nanushi or the magistrate. Just a few whispers at the well or in an alleyway could turn a minor lapse into a shame that tainted an entire household, and public disapproval could take the form of the neighbors’ cold silence or open condemnation during a meeting. Such everyday, soft forms of pressure maintained discipline more effectively than formal law. And although the gonin gumi no longer exist, these forms of social pressure remain, helping to explain why crime rates in Japan are so low—and, at the same time, why it can be so difficult for Westerners to adapt there.

Membership in a gonin gumi, however, did not exert only a negative influence—it also created a strong sense of uchi (内), the “inside” of the community, within which the principle of mutual aid applied. Although obligations to the group were rooted in law, their fulfillment often took the form of neighborly solidarity: jointly repairing a roof after a typhoon, lending tools, or sharing rice during a poor harvest. In the event of fire, flood, or sudden illness, members of the group mobilized instantly—because the fate of one household could affect the situation of all five. Yet this was pragmatic solidarity: helping a neighbor also meant protecting oneself from the consequences of their troubles.

The functioning of the gonin gumi also reinforced local hierarchy. Families with a long lineage (iegara), who had held leadership roles for generations, strengthened their position. The office of kumigashira—the group leader—though theoretically rotational, often passed from generation to generation within a single family, whose authority rested both on experience in dealing with officials and the ability to resolve disputes. Tensions could also arise over decisions on how to spend shared funds—whether to allocate them to rebuilding a temple or repairing a levee. In small communities, disputes over such matters could permeate daily life for entire generations.

In cities such as Edo, gonin gumi focused primarily on the timely collection of monetary taxes, maintaining fire safety, and keeping order in neighborhoods. The groups contributed to funding and equipping the fire brigade (hikeshi), maintaining city gates (mon), canals, and waterworks. In port districts, they monitored fish and timber warehouses, preventing smuggling and tax evasion. In rural areas, their role was more tied to agricultural production—ensuring timely sowing and harvesting (ine-kari), protecting fields (hatake) from theft or wild animals, and overseeing deliveries of rice tax.

Local variants of the system also existed. In the Ryūkyū Kingdom (more on this here: Kingdom of Ryūkyū: Where Karate Was Born, Religion Belonged to Women, and Longevity Was the Norm), subordinated to the Satsuma clan, five-household units were adapted to the island settlement structure. In “old” villages (kyū-mura), gonin gumi were based on multi-generational bonds and traditional authorities, while in “new” villages (shinden)—established on land reclaimed by the Satsuma clan—they served more technical functions, supervising irrigation systems, water distribution, and the integration of newcomers. In every variant, however, the mechanism was the same: a combination of formal mandate with a strong network of local interdependencies, where fear of isolation (goningumi hazushi) and loss of face worked just as effectively, or even more so, than a shogunal edict.

The end of the gonin gumi

When the Meiji era dawned in the second half of the 19th century, modern administrative reforms inspired by Western models began gradually dismantling the meticulous, feudal network of social control inherited from the Tokugawa. The gonin gumi, though for over two centuries a pillar of everyday order, lost their purpose in a state that was introducing a unified system of municipalities (ku, mura) and prefectures (ken). Over time, they ceased to exist as formal administrative units, although the memory of their role endured—in both documents and people’s mindsets.

Paradoxically, the idea of collective responsibility and local oversight of the community was revived in a completely different era—during World War II. The tonarigumi (隣組)—mandatory neighborhood organizations established at that time—drew on the old goningumi model, though their function was more heavily subordinated to wartime mobilization, rationing of goods, and political control.

Today, echoes of these mechanisms can be seen in chōnaikai—voluntary but still influential neighborhood associations that organize local festivals, engage in crime prevention, and provide care for the elderly. Most strongly, however, traces of the same mindset can be found in the structures of large corporations, where group solidarity, unwritten loyalty, and the avoidance of open conflict play a key role in everyday functioning.

From a philosophical and cultural perspective, the gonin gumi are a pure example of the practical application of Confucian ideals—social hierarchy, the priority of harmony (wa) over individual needs, and the conviction that order arises from clearly defined relationships of duty and subordination. At the same time, their history reveals a universal dilemma: how far one can go in restricting individual freedom in the name of community safety. Such a system will certainly be less appealing to us—Europeans who cherish our freedom above all else. Yet we should not rush to judge—let us remember that this was an entirely different world. A different time, a different planet, and a different galaxy. And when we judge something, we do so through the lens of very specific values—in this case, for example, Western values of the 21st century. Values from an entirely different reality, another dimension.

Although the world of Edo is gone forever, many patterns of thought and behavior shaped over centuries—the sense of uchi, the fear of losing mentsu, and the role of uwasa as a tool of control—still resonate in 21st-century Japan. In this sense, the gonin gumi are not merely a historical curiosity from the pages of textbooks—they are one of the keys to understanding the enduring foundations of Japanese social culture. For anyone who seriously wishes to embark on a journey toward understanding Japanese culture, the gonin gumi are one of the essential stops.

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"Strong Japanese Women"

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    未開    ソビエライ

 An enthusiast of Asian culture with a deep appreciation for the diverse philosophies of the world. By education, a psychologist and philologist specializing in Korean studies. At heart, a programmer (primarily for Android) and a passionate technology enthusiast, as well as a practitioner of Zen and mono no aware. In moments of tranquility, adheres to a disciplined lifestyle, firmly believing that perseverance, continuous personal growth, and dedication to one's passions are the wisest paths in life. Author of the book "Strong Women of Japan" (>>see more)

Personal motto:

"The most powerful force in the universe is compound interest." - Albert Einstein (probably)

  Mike Soray

   (aka Michał Sobieraj)

未開    ソビエライ

 An enthusiast of Asian culture with a deep appreciation for the diverse philosophies of the world. By education, a psychologist and philologist specializing in Korean studies. At heart, a programmer (primarily for Android) and a passionate technology enthusiast, as well as a practitioner of Zen and mono no aware. In moments of tranquility, adheres to a disciplined lifestyle, firmly believing that perseverance, continuous personal growth, and dedication to one's passions are the wisest paths in life. Author of the book "Strong Women of Japan" (>>see more)

Personal motto:

"The most powerful force in the universe is compound interest." - Albert Einstein (probably)

Mike Soray

(aka Michał Sobieraj)

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